By Alan Cochrane
Alan Cochrane – or ‘that ghastly guy from the Telegraph’, as Alex Salmond’s spouse calls him – emerged as a Unionist hero in Scotland’s contemporary independence conflict. utilizing his day-by-day newspaper column and his enviable record of Westminster and Scottish contacts, the veteran journalist fastened a private project to make sure the survival of the uk and the downfall of Alex Salmond’s Scottish nationalist reason. even as, Cochrane used to be secretly retaining a diary charting each twist and switch within the crusade, from Westminster’s choice on even if to permit the poll to head forward to Gordon Brown’s overdue access onto the scene as tensions fastened within the No camp. throughout the pages of this illuminating magazine, Cochrane finds the reality approximately how the united kingdom was once gained, delivering biting research, telling aspect and sometimes trenchant wit. because the polls narrowed within the run-up to 18 September, the ancient struggle for Britain introduced out the easiest and the worst within the characters concerned. together with his behind-the-scenes entry to David Cameron, Alistair Darling, Gordon Brown and everybody in among, Alan Cochrane increases the curtain at the panicked, incompetent and cynical international of contemporary politics, sparing nobody from his acerbic tongue.
"The e-book is most unlikely to parody simply because sooner or later whereas writing it Cochrane grew to become a self-parody."
-- STV News
'In common, BBC Scotland is filled with humans whose default place is left, left, Nat, Nat, left. yet now not very discerning left, both. They’re simply no longer very bright.'
-- March 17, 2012, quote from The Cochrane Diaries.
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Extra info for Alex Salmond: My Part in His Downfall: The Cochrane Diaries
Not only had the labour-based political parties been replaced by centre-right coalitions in government, but also labour relations reform was more clearly linked to macro-economic liberalisation strategies by this stage. The two nations, which were once regarded as having two of the highest levels of protectionism in world, came under intense pressure, from both external and internal sources, to open up. As they did so, the perceived need to “flexibilise” labour relations was deepened. During the 1980s and 1990s, Australasian governments were often reluctant to admit that their programmes were somehow connected to the “neo-liberal” reform packages that were at the same time being implemented in Europe and North America, let alone South America or other parts of the developing world.
1 Largest export industries Australia and Chile (% of exports, 1998). Source: United Nations Statistics Division, Statistical Yearbook. 1998 edition. Australia and Chile 27 Australia. Although tentative moves in this direction had been made by the Whitlam Labor government between 1972 and 1975, and by the centreright Liberal-National Coalition between 1975 and 1983, it was not until the election of a new ostensibly labour-friendly government in 1983 did such a decisive break with the past begin to take shape.
Alternatively, and whatever its democratic variants, “corporatism” in the labour relations arena refers to concertative (most often tripartite) collective bargaining between monopolistically organised sectoral agents. It finds ideological root in the common interest in macroeconomic co-ordination leading to social peace and economic growth under conditions of international economic competition. We should also note that the State’s role in shaping the growth of the union movement and labour politics in general is to be distinguished from relationships between political parties and organised labour.